nha_cai_uy_tin dev - Bộ chia mạng TP-link 8 Cổng TL-SF1008D 10/100Mbps rich 888 slot

... hb88 casino register shbet fb thời loạn zingplay - chiến thu win79. ... m88 login terbaru jun88 dev jun88. Quy trình kỹ thuật sản xuất khoai ...

Description Hello, I am checking the schematics for Dev Board. In sheet number six you can find the pinout for the micro-SD slot. My question is that why you can find a signal called "SD2_nCD" in pin number 9 in the slot if the standard ...

Studies In Indian And Tibetan Buddhism Vajrayoginl Her Visualizations, Rituals, & Forms A Study of the Cult of Vajrayogini in India Elizabeth English Wisdom Publications • Boston Wisdom Publications 199 Elm Street Somerville, Massachusetts 02144 USA www.wisdompubs.org © 2002 Elizabeth English All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy- ing, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system or technologies now known or later developed, with- out permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data English, Elizabeth Vajrayogini : Her visualizations, rituals, & forms : a study of the cult of Vajrayogini in India / Elizabeth English p. cm. — (Studies in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-86171-329-X (alk. paper) 1. Vajrayogini (Buddhist deity) 2. Tantric Buddhism — Rituals. I. Title. II. Title: Vajrayogini. III. Series. BQ4890.V344E65 2002 294.3'42ii4 — dc2i 2002011148 ISBN 0-86171-329-X First Wisdom Edition 06 05 04 03 02 5 4 3 2 1 Designed by Gopa and Ted2 Cover photo: See List of Illustrations Wisdom Publications' books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability set by the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. Printed in the USA. To my teachers Publisher's Acknowledgment The Publisher gratefully acknowledges the generous help of the Hershey Family Foundation in sponsoring the printing of this book. Contents List of Illustrations Color Plates xl Line Drawings xv Abbreviations xvu Preface xlx Chapter i: Vajrayogini and the Buddhist Tantras i The Buddhist Tantric Systems i The Guhyasamayasddhanamdld and Its Authors 9 Sadhana Collections l8 Tantric Sadhana 2 4 Chapter 2: The Cult of Vajrayogini in India 35 The Influence of Nondual Saivism 37 Transgressive Discipline (vdmdcdrah) 4 1 The Emergence of Vajrayogini 43 The Emergence of Vajravarahi 47 Dancing-Pose (ardhaparyanka) Vajravarahi 5° Twelve-Armed Vajravarahi in Dancing Pose 54 Six- Armed Vajravarahi with Consort 60 Six-Armed Vajradakini Vajravarahi in Warrior Stance 62 Red Vajraghona Vajravarahi 66 White Vajraghona Vajravarahi 68 White Vajravarahi 69 Two-Armed Vajrayogini in Warrior Stance 7 1 Four- Armed Vajrayogini in Warrior Stance 73 Red Vajravarahi with Foot Raised 74 White Vajrayogini with Foot Raised 75 Vajrayogini in the Falling-Turtle Pose 77 Vidyadhari Vajrayogini 79 Flying Vidyadhari Vajrayogini 82 Vajravilasini Vajravarahi 84 vi 1 Vlll VAJRAYOGINI Guhyavajravilasini 86 TrikayavajrayoginI (Chinnamasta) 94 Conclusions 102 Chapter 3: Study of the Vajravarahl Sadhana 109 Outline of the Sadhana 109 Meditation Stage i 113 Benediction 113 Preliminaries 114 Bodhisattva Preparations 119 Worship 120 Brahmavihara Meditations 123 Development of Wisdom 125 Creating the Circle of Protection 131 The Cremation Grounds 136 The Cosmos and Temple Palace 144 Self-Generation through the Awakenings 149 Self- Visualization As Vajravarahl 154 Armoring 163 Pledge and Knowledge Beings 166 Consecration 169 Inner Yogic Practices 171 The Mantra 178 Dwelling As Vajravarahl 181 Meditation Stage 2 182 Fivefold Mandala 182 Meditation Stage 3 186 Thirteenfold Mandala 186 Terms for Aspects of the Mandala 187 Meditation Stage 4 188 Thirty-seven-fold Mandala 188 Circles of Mind, Speech, and Body 188 The Mandala As Wisdom 190 The Mandala As Doctrine 192 The Mandala As Cosmos 194 The Sacred Sites {pithas) 195 The Ten Places (des'as) 196 CONTENTS ix Body Mandala 197 Mantras for the Complete Deity Mandala 203 Ritual Practices 2 °5 Tantric Ritual 2 °5 The Bali Ritual 2o6 Tasting Nectar (amrtdsvddanam) 2 °8 Bali Offering with Mantras 2I1 Rite of Completion 2I 5 External Worship 2I ^ Worship on the Hand (hastapuja) 218 Alternative External Worship 22 ° Internal Oblation 221 Concluding Verses 22 3 Vajravdrdhi Sddhana by Umapatideva 22 5 Meditation Stage 1 22 7 Meditation Stage 2 2 49 Meditation Stage 3 2 55 Meditation Stage 4 2 57 Ritual Practices 2 °7 Cremation Grounds 3 11 Conventions, Abbreviations, and Symbols 3 : 5 Conventions in the Translation 3*5 Abbreviations and Symbols in the Sanskrit Text 3 l6 Abbreviations and Symbols in the Apparatus 3U Other Editors 3*9 Silent Editorial Standardizations 3 X 9 Manuscript Sources 3 21 The Manuscripts of the Guhyasamayasadhanamald (GSS) 321 Textual Transmission 3 2 ^ Editorial Policy 3 2 ° Textual Notes 3 2 9 Insignificant Variants 349 Appendix: Summary of Sadhanas in the Guhyasamayasadhanamald 355 Notes 383 X VAJRAYOGINI Bibliography ^ Index 54I About the Author ^ 4 List of Illustrations Color Plates Front cover: Vajravarahi tangka (detail). Centtal Tibet, c izoo-1250. Private Collection. Photograph by John Bigelow Taylor. Photograph © 1998 The Metropolitan Museum of Art. The central Vajravarahi is in ardhaparyanka pose standing upon a sun disk on a corpse The tangka depicts her against a backdrop of the eight cremation grounds (reproduced here on the back cover). She is flanked by the three armonng goddesses to the left, Samtrasini (green), Candika? (grey?), Vajravarahi (red); and three to the right, Samcalini? (yellow?), Mohini: (white!), and Yamini (blue-black). Armor Vajravarahi has three heads and six arms, and the rest hold skull bowl and staff (left) and damaru and chopper (right). Upper and lower registers of the full tangka hold figures datable to the twelfth century from a Bka brgyud lineage. Published: Kossak and Casey Singer 1999, plate 21. Plate 1: Vajravarahi tangka. Central Tibet, twelfth-thirteenth century. Courtesy of Anna Maria Rossi and Fabio Rossi. The central Vajravarahi ts in ardhaparyanka pose against a backdrop of the eight cremation grounds. She is flanked by eight goddesses (holdingskull bowl ana 'damaru in their two arms); four have animal heads, possibly black crow and black dog (left), and red owl and white hog (right). (These goddesses are simikr to the god- desses of the outer mandala in GSS11; but the latter have four arms, holding staff and skull bowl, damaru and chopper; the animal heads on the gate goddesses are. black crow (east), green owl (north), red dog (west) and yellow hog (south); and the intermediate goddesses are bitonal.) The central frames of the vertical registers depict four dakmis to left and right, in warrior stance with various attributes in their four arm's Below them are Sakyamuni and four-armed Avalokiteivara (left), and Manjughosa and Vajrapani (right). The upper register contains siddhas and monks. The bottom register has six dancing deities (possibly offering goddesses), with a monk (far left) and bodhisattva (far right). Published: Christian Deydier Oriental Bronzes Ltd. 1997, item 14: 44-4S; Rossi and Rossi 2002, plate 4- XI X " VAJRAYOGINI Plate v. Red Dakini. Khara Khoto, twelfth-thirteenth century. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Lnherfour arms, the dakini holds skull bowl and single-pointed staff '(left), chopper anddamaru (right), and she dances in ardhaparyahka/,^ upon a bull. Published: Piotrovsky ipp^, no. 33. Plate 3: Blue Dakini (Nairatmya?). Khara Khoto, twelfth-thirteenth century. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. The blue dakini holds a skull bowl (left) and a vajra (right), with a trident-staff. She dances tn ardhaparyahka pose upon a male crowned figure, and her blazing hair flies upward. The earth-touching Aksobhya on Nairatmya s headdress would normally be blue. Published: Piotrovsky i 99i , no. 33-. Plate 4: Vajravarahi (Tib.: rDo rje phag mo). Tibet, fifteenth century. Gilt copper, ht. 41.5 cm. Photo by Ulrich von Schroeder. Po ta la collection: Li ma lha khang; inventory no. 1680. Located on the third floor ofthePho -brangdmarpo, the "Red Palace." Lhasa, Central Tibet (dBus). Pub- lished: von Schroeder 2001, vol. 2, plate 266D (photo: ipp 7 ). Plate 5: Marici (Tib.: 'Od zer can ma). Tibet, c. 1700. Gilt copper, ht. 13.8 cm. Photo by Ulrich von Schroeder. This form is identical to the "Vajraghond" form of Vajravarahi. Here, the hog- headed Marici holds a noose and skull bowl (left), with staff tucked into the crook of her left arm, and a goad and vajra (right). Jo khang I gTsug lag khang collec- tion; inventory no. 99 [A]. Lhasa, Central Tibet (dBus). Published: von Schroeder 2001, vol. 2, plate 267A (photo: ip 9 2). Plate 6: Animal-headed Vajrayogini. Tibet, nineteenth century. Painted clay. Courtesy of the British Museum (OA1948.7-16.24). Plate 7: Vajrayogini, Naro-khechari. Eastern Tibet, eighteenth century From the collection of the Shelley and Donald Rubin Foundation. This Karma bKa' brgyud tangka depicts a warrior-stance form of Vajrayogini LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xiii holding skull bowl and chopper and carrying a khatvanga staff. She stands atop the bodies of pink Kdlardtri and black Bhairava. At the top center is the buddha Vajradhara, at the left is the Indian mahasiddha Tilopa holding a fish in his upraised left hand, and at the right is a seated Tibetan yogi wearing a white cot- ton upper robe and a yellow meditation belt. At the bottom left is the wrathful deity Humkara, and on the right is g. Yu sgron ma, a female deity of Tibetan origin hold- ing what appears to be a large drum in her right hand and a stick in her left. 33 x 23 cm. Ground mineral pigment on cotton. Himalayan Art no. 61. Plate 8: Vajravarahi tangka (with details of Severed-head Vajrayoginl). Nepal, fourteenth century. John and Berthe Ford Collection. Detail (left) shows Severed-head Vajrayoginl, Trikayavajrayogini (Chinnamastdl Chinnamundd), with Vajravairocani (right, yellow) and Vajravarnani (left, red). Detail (right) shows a red Trikayavajrayogini with Vajravanani (right, "dark ") and Vajravairocani (left, yellow). Published: Pal 1975, plate 45, and 2001, catalog entry 126, p. 216 (full tangka); Benard 1994, plate 3 (detail); andBiihnemann 2000, plate 24c (detail). Plate 9: Severed-head Vajrayoginl (Chinnamasta/Chinnamunda) tangka. Tibet/Nepal, c. 1900. Linden Museums, Stuttgart. The self decapitated form ofVajrayogini appears without attendant yoginis Vajra- vairocani and Vajravarnani to right and left. Above her to the left is a dancing, a.rdhapa.rya.hka.-pose form ofVajrayogini; above center is a flying form (see p. 82); and above right is the "raised-foot' form (seep. 74). Published: Herrmann- Pfandt 1992, plate 6. Plate 10: Painted Mongolian woodblocks. Tibet, c. 1850. Ethnographic Museum of the University of Zurich. Reproduced in Willson and Brauen 2000. a. Armor Vajravarahi (IWS 62) b. Maims Dakini (IWS 78) c. Accomplishing (Arthasiddhi) Varahi (IWS 80) d. Varahi with Raised Leg (IWS 84) e. Tortoise-legged (Kurmapadi Varahi) (IWS 85) f. Nam's Dakini (IWS 87) XIV VAJRAYOGINI Plate n: Tangka of Cakrasamvara in union with Vajravarahi. Khara Khoto, twelfth-thirteenth century. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Cakrasamvara appears against a backdrop of the cremation grounds within a sixty- two deity mandala. Two of the outer goddesses of the gates are recognizable here: Kakasya (crow-faced, black, to the east) in the center of the bottom register, and Ulukasyd (owl-faced, green, to the north) in the center of the vertical frame to the right. Of the bitonal intermediate outer goddesses, we can recognize: Yamadddhi (southeast/bottom left corner), Yamamathani (northeast/ bottom right corner) and Yamadamstrini (northwest/ top -right corner). The remaining visible figures are the gods and goddesses (in union) of the twenty four sites. Two additional deities are also depicted: two-armed Heruka, blue (center of second row from top), and four- armed Ac ala (center of second row from bottom). See Piotrovsky ipp$: i$6—$8 for attributions for this mandala, "Paramasukha Cakrasamvara, Yab-Yum, Luipa Mandala." Published: Rhie and Thurman ippi, no. p2; Piotrovsky ipp$, no. 26. Plate 12: Tangka of Cakrasamvara Mandala. Central Tibet, c. 1100. Private Collection. Photograph by John Bigelow Taylor. Photograph © 1998 The Metropolitan Museum of Art. This sixty-two-deity mandala is set against a backdrop of the cremation grounds. Figure 32 provides a key to the mandala as it is adapted for Vajravardhi and her retine. Table 25 includes the names of the male deities. Published: Kossak and Singer ippp, plate 2. Plate 13: Tangka of Varahyabhyudaya Mandala. Courtesy of Anna Maria Rossi and Fabio Rossi. See figure $ for key. Published: Rossi and Rossi ippj as "Vajravardhi Abhibhdva Mandala " (sic); and reproduced in the Rossi Collection online (Asian Art). Plate 14: Tangka of "Vajrayogini in Kechara Paradise." Tibet, eighteenth century. Collection of Tibet House, New York. A Sa sky a tangka in the lineage ofNaropa. Vajrayogini stands inside a dharmodayd within a three-dimensional temple-palace. The animal-headed goddesses (Kakasya, etc.) are visible at the gates. The upper tiers of the palace hold Sa sky a masters. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xv Plate 15: Tangka of the cosmos according to the Abhidharmakosa. Tibet. Ethnographic Museum of the University of Zurich, inventory number 13560 (92.5 cm x 60 cm). Reproduced in Brauen 1997. Plate 16: Palm leaves from kutila Newari manuscript (K) of the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld (GSS) . Nepal, twelfth-thirteenth century. Copyright Bodleian Library, University of Oxford (ms. Sanskc. 15 (R)). a. f. 14V showing alphabet in kutila Newari script. b. f. jov showing colophon to Vajravarahl Sadhana by Umapatideva (continued onf. yir). Line Drawings Figure Page 1 Naro-khecari, Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 77 , LC 587) xxii 2 Naro-khecari, Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 87, LC 597) xxiii 3 Indra-khecari, Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 79, LC 589) _ 51 4 Twelve-armed Vajravarahl (Dharmacari Aloka) 55 5 Varahyabhyudaya mandala (diagram) (Dharmacari Aloka) 58 6 Six-armed Vajravarahl with consort (Dharmacari Aloka) 61 7 Mandala of six-armed Vajravarahl with consort (Dharmacari Aloka) 62 8 Six-armed Vajradakini Vajravarahl (Dharmacari Aloka) 63 9 Mandala of Vajradakini Vajravarahl (Dharmacari Aloka) 65 10 Arthasddhana-Va.rah.1, Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 80, LC 590) 6 7 11 White Vajravarahl (GSS38) (Dharmacari Aloka) 69 12 Two-armed Vajrayogini in warrior stance (Dharmacari Aloka) 71 13 Vajra chopper (vajrakartri) (Dharmacari Aloka) 72 14 Four-armed Vajrayogini in warrior stance (Dharmacari Aloka) 73 XVI VAJRAYOGINI 15 Red Vajravarahl with foot raised (Dharmacari Aloka) 75 16 Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 84, LC 594) 7 6 17 VajrayoginI in falling-turtle pose, Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 85, LC 595) 77 18 Vidyadharl VajrayoginI, Mongolian woodblock print, "Maitrl-khecarf (IWS/T 78, LC 588) 79 19 Dharmodaya with mantras and bliss swirls 80 20 Flying Vidyadharl VajrayoginI (Dharmacari Aloka) 82 21 VajravilasinI (Dharmacari Aloka) 85 22 GuhyavajravilasinI (Dharmacari Aloka) 86 23 TrikayavajrayoginI (Dharmacari Aloka) 94 2 4 Dagger deity: Kakasya (Dharmacari Aloka) 135 25 The cosmos (Dharmacari Aloka) Y ac 26 Double vajra (Dharmacari Aloka) 1A n 27 Vajravarahl (Dharmacari Aloka) ^ 28 Vajra (Dharmacari Aloka) ^ 29 Skull staff (khatvanga) (Dharmacari Aloka) 157 30 Armor Vajravarahl, Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 62, LC 572) l65 31 Armor YaminI, Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 63, LC 573) 165 3 2 Thirty-seven-fold Mandala of Vaj ravarahl (Dharmacari Aloka) joj 33 Body mandala (Dharmacari Aloka) 200 34 Preparation of nectar (Dharmacari Aloka) 209 35 Flame gesture (Dharmacari Aloka) 211 Drawings in Endnotes i "Sahaja Reversed," Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 88, LC 598) 406 ii "Vajravarahl in the tradition of Brahmana Srldhara," Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 86, LC 596) 408 Abbreviations Additional abbreviations and symbols related to the Sanskrit edition and apparatus can be found on pages 315-19. ADK/B ADUT Asian Art Asu/N BBK Blue Annals D GST GOS GSS HA Himalayan Art History HT IASWR IWS JV/Jvalavall K KSTS KYT LC Legends Mkhas grub rje N A bhidharmakosalbhdsya Abhidhdnottaratantra http://www.asianart.com/mandalas/index.html Arthaviniscayasiltra/Arthaviniscayasutra-Nibandhana Bongo Butten no Kenkyu. See K. Tsukamoto et al. 1989 The Blue Annals. See Roerich 1949-53 Devanagari paper ms. of GSS Guhyasamdjatantra Gaekwod's Oriental Series Guhyasamayasddhanamdld Herukdbhisamaya http://www.himalayanart.org Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India. See Chattopadhyaya 1970 Hevajratantra Institute for the Advanced Study of World Religions, New York Icons Worthwhile to See. See Willson and Brauen, 2000 Jvdldvalivajramdldtantra Kutila Newarl palmleaf ms. of GSS Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies Krsnayamdritantra Copies of Mongolian icons published by Raghu Vira Chandra and Lokesh Chandra 1961-72, 1986 Masters of Mahdmudrd. See Dowman, 1985 See Lessing and Wayman 1978 Newarl, early twentieth-century paper ms. of GSS xvi 1 1 XV111 VAJRAYOGINI NAK NGMPP NP NYA Ota/Q PED PU Sacred Art of Tibet Sed SM SP SpUT SS STTS SUT T/IWS TA TJS Toh/D VA VT YRM YS YSCT National Archives, Kathmandu Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project Narthang Pantheon Nispannayogavali The Tibetan Tripitaka: Peking Edition — kept in the Library of the Otani University, Kyoto. Reprinted under the supervision of the Otani University, Kyoto. Edited by Daisetz T[eitaro] Suzuki. Tokyo-Kyoto, 1961. Pali-English Dictionary, ed. T.W. Rhys Davids and W. Stede. 1921-23. London: Pali Text Society. Pradipoddyotana commentary on the Guhyasamdjatantra by Candrakirti Wisdom and Compassion: The Sacred Art of Tibet. See Rhie and Thurman 199 1 Sarnath Edition oi Abhisamayamanjari (GSS5) pub- lished in Dhih Review of Rare Buddhist Text Series (no. 13, 1992: 123-54) Sadhanamdld Satapitaka Series Samputodbhavatantra Sddhanasamuccaya (Designation for SM used in BBK) Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha Samvarodayatantra Mongolian woodblock prints numbered according to Tachikawa et al. 1995 and Willson and Brauen 2000 Tantraloka by Abhinavagupta Tattvajnanasamsiddhi A Catalogue-Index of The Tibetan Buddhist Canons (Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur). Edited by Hakuju Ui, Munetada Suzuki, Yensho Kanakura, and Tokan Tada. Published by Tohoku Imperial University, Sendai, 1934. Vajravali by Abhayakaragupta Vasantatilaka Yogaratnamald Yum skor Yoginisamcaratantra Preface My interest in the Buddhist tantras — and in sadhana meditation in particular — really began while I was in Oxford studying under Professor Alexis Sanderson. It was the inspiration of his research, as well as his personal encouragement, that led me one day to a Sanskrit manuscript in the Bodleian Library dating from the twelfth or thirteenth century, and preserved on palm leaves in a lovely, rounded kutila script. The text comprised a collection of some fifty sadhanas — meditation and ritual works — all of which were concerned with the practice of Vajrayogini, a deity of the highest tantras. With Professor Sanderson's help, and the untir- ing support of Dr. Harunaga Isaacson, I set about the tasks of editing the texts and attempting to understand their contents. Without the knowledge of these two outstanding scholars, I could hardly have begun to fathom the complexity of the Buddhist tantric traditions, let alone begin my doctoral thesis. The thesis was completed in 1999 and was entitled Vajrayogini: Her Visualisation, Rituals and Forms. This book is an adaptation of that thesis. Taken as a whole, the texts in the manuscript form a so-called garland of sadhanas (sddhanamdld), which in this case includes praise verses and commentarial passages alongside the ritual and meditation manuals of the sadhanas themselves. This book focuses upon one Sanskrit sadhana from this unique collection, the Vajravarahi Sadhana by Umapatideva. At the same time, I hope to give a flavor of the breadth and richness of the other works in the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld. For while they all center upon Vajrayogini as the generic deity, they describe many manifestations. Indeed, the collection contains over fifty iconographical descriptions, within which we can discern about twenty distinct forms of Vajrayogini, some of whom — such as Vajravarahi — are significant tantric deities in their own right. In fact, although the collection receives the late title Guhyasamaya- sddhanamala (GSS), the Secret Pledge Sadhana Collection, a more suitable title might have been the *Vajrayoginisddhanamdld, the Vajrayogini Sadhana Collection. I have therefore attempted to draw from all its major works in the course of this study and, in the opening chapters, I survey the diverse forms and practices of Vajrayogini in India, according to this collection. In xix XX VAJRAYOGINI this way, I hope the book will serve a double purpose: examining, from our textual evidence, the cult of Vajrayogini in India prior to 1200 c.e., and shedding light on tan trie sadhana meditation. The decision to base the study upon a single sadhana from the Guhya- samayasddhanamdld was made for several reasons. While scholarly interest in the Indian Buddhist tantras has increased in recent years, our knowl- edge of their vast array of texts remains in its infancy and will only improve as scholars produce critical editions of surviving texts along with informed study based upon them. The difficulty of drawing accurate conclusions from the texts currently available is due to the fact that the umbrella term "Buddhist tantra" actually covers a bewildering variety of methods, prac- tices, and systems. These competed in India within a highly fertile and inventive environment over several centuries. Even contemporary accounts in the eleventh to twelfth centuries that describe a range of different sys- tems, such as Abhayakaragupta's encyclopedic Vajrdvali or Jagaddarpana's derivative Kriydsamuccaya, cannot be taken as conclusive evidence for prac- tice on the ground, as those authors themselves struggled with the various currents of opinion without necessarily reaching their own conclusions. In addition, the meanings of many terms remain obscure and will only come to light when a far broader field of reference is available. Given this complexity, and the need to clarify so many aspects of tantric practice, I chose to focus my study upon a single feature of the whole. Key pieces of the overall picture are therefore missing. I give only the briefest sketch of the initiations that were the necessary preliminary to sadhana practice, and only a hazy description of the place of sadhana in the tantrika's overall scheme of spiritual practice. And there are many points where my conclusions are at best provisional. Within these limitations, I have attempted to highlight those practices that characterize the Indian traditions of Vajrayogini. In so doing, I hope to reveal how our particular author adapted earlier sources and responded to his own scriptural heritage, absorb- ing new trends and reflecting different developments within the highest Buddhist tantras. The sadhana that I have edited, translated, and studied here is the Vajravdrdhi Sadhana (GSS11) by Umapatideva, an early-twelfth-century author from northeastern India. This work is a fruitful subject because of the length, clarity, and excellence of its composition. It was also desirable to choose a work from the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld collection that was as yet unpublished, because some primary sources dealing with Vajrayogini and Vajravarahi are already available in recent editions, including some PREFACE xxi studies in European languages. For a long while, the main academic accounts of Vajravarahi and Vajrayogini were the iconographical descrip- tions given by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya in The Indian Buddhist Iconogra- phy (1924) and by Marie Therese de Mallmann's Introduction a TIconographie du Tdntrisme Bouddhique (1975), both of which contain some errors (e.g., n. 228). These works draw heavily on Bhattacharyya's edition of the Sddhanamdld (1925 and 1928), which contains fewer than a dozen complete Vajrayogini/ Vajravarahi sadhanas, all of which also appear in the Guhyasamayasadhanamala} More recent studies also focus on selections from the Sddhanamald sadhanas, such as the short study of Vajravarahi by Mallar Mitra (1999: 102-29), which is too brief to be fully comprehensive. A beautiful collection of sculptures of the deity from different phases of Tibetan art have been published by von Schroeder (1981, 2001); however some of his iconographical comments are also erroneous (e.g., n. 83). A few other Sanskrit editions of Vajrayogini sadhanas have been published, such as the short Vajravdrdhisddhana by Advayavajra (=GSS3) by both Louis Finot (1934) and Richard O. Meisezahl (1967), a Trikdyavajrayoginisddhana («GSS25) by Max Nihom (1992), and a handful of sadhanas from the Guhyasamayasddhanamdldm Dhih (namely, GSS5, GSS10, GSS26, GSS42, and GSS43), as shown in the appendix. Published editions of highest tantric texts also provide an important resource for a study of Vajrayogini/ Vajra- varahi, especially those from the Cakrasamvara tradition, such as the Yogini- samcdratantra with both its available Sankrit commentaries, edited by J. S. Pandey (1998), and some chapters of the Samvarodayatantra (possibly a later Nepalese composition) 2 edited and translated by Shin'ichi Tsuda (1974). The paucity of publications for the Indie Vajrayogini tradition is in stark contrast to the number of Sanskrit manuscripts that must once have existed. Bongo Butten no Kenkyu (BBK) catalogs just over a dozen Vajrayogini texts not found in the Guhyasamayasadhanamala, appearing within works such as the Yah skor (BBK: 261) and Yum skor (BBK: 273-77), commentaries on the Tattvajndnasamsiddhi (BBK: 279-80), the Jvdldvalivajramdldtantra (BBK: 493-94), as well as the later Nepalese Vajravdrdhikalpa in thirty-eight chapters (BBK: 261) — although many sadhana materials listed here are also found in our collection (details in the appendix). We can deduce the existence of yet more Indian Vajra- yogini sadhanas from the number of translations in the Tibetan canon that have no extant Sanskrit original. In an index to the Bka' 'gyur and Bstan 'gyur published in 1980, there are about forty-five sadhanas with Vajrayogini or Vajravarahi in the title, very few of which have (as yet) XX11 VAJRAYOGINl been correlated with a Sanskrit original by the compilers of the index. 3 The popularity of the VajrayoginI transmissions in Tibet is remarked upon in the Blue Annals (Roerich 1949-53: 390), which states, "The majority of tantric yogis in this Land of Snows were especially initiated and followed the exposition and meditative practice of the system known as [the Six Texts of Vajravarahi] P hag-mo gZhung-drug (p. 390). 4 What is now known of her practice derives mainly from Tibetan Buddhism, in which VajrayoginI (Rdo rje rnal 'byor ma) and Vajravarahi (Rdo rje phag mo) are important deities. Perhaps the main emphasis on forms of VajrayoginI/ Vajravarahi (the names often seem to be used interchangeably) is found in the bKa' brgyud schools. This lineage is traced back to the siddha Tilopa (c. 928-1009), who had many visions of the deity, and who passed on oraTtransmissions to his pupil, Naropa (c. 956-1040). Naropa also had many visions of dakinl forms, the most famous of which is recounted in his life story\ dated to the fifteenth and sixteenth century, 5 in which VajrayoginI appears to him as an ugly old hag who startles him into abandoning monastic scholasticism in favor of solitary tantric practice. However, this account does not appear in the ear- liest biographies (Peter Alan Roberts, personal communication: 2002). 6 Fig. 1. Naro-khecarl. Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 7 7> LC 587) The form of VajrayoginI especially associated with Naropa in Tibet is Nd ro mkha spyod; "Na ro [pa]'s tradition of the dakinl" or "Naro's khe- cari" (lit., "sky-goer"). This form is discussed below, as it is closest to that of Vajravarahi described in the Indian sadhana translated here by _£ Umapatideva. Several different practices of Vajravarahi/ VajrayoginI were transmitted in the numerous traditions of the Tibetan bKa' brgyud school, through various PREFACE Fig. 2. Naro-khecari. Mongolian woodblock print (IWS/T 87, LC 597) XXlll V&w^ *\yr teachers; for example, through the translator, Mar pa (Mar pa Chos kyi bio gros, 1012-97) i nto the Mar pa bKa' brgyud, and through Ras chung pa (Ras chung rDo rje grags pa, 1084-1161) into the several branches of the Ras chung sNyan rgyud, and yet another through Khyung po rnal 'byor, founder of the Shangs pa bKa' brgyud (eleventh-twelfth centuries) appar- ently from Niguma (sometimes said to be Naropa's sister). This complex matrix of lineages continued in Tibet within the various bKa' brgyud tra- ditions. In the Karma bKa' brgyud, the oral transmission was written down in the form of a sadhana by the third Karma pa, Rang byung rdo rje (b. 1284) (Trungpa 1982: 150). However, it is a saHKana by the sixth Karma pa (mThong ba don ldan, 1416-53) that serves as the basis for the main textual source in this school. This is the instruction text composed in the sixteenth century by dPa' bo gTsug lag phreng ba (1504-66). 7 Vajravarahi also appears in bKa' brgyud versions of the guruyoga, in which the devotee worships his guru (in one popular system, Mi la ras pa) while identifying himself as Vajravarahi. Examples include the famous "four sessions" guruyoga (Thun bzhVi bla ma'i rnal 'byor) of Mi skyod rdo rje, the eighth Karma pa (1507-54), and the Nges don sgron me, a meditation manual by the nine- teenth-century teacher Jam mgon Kong sprul (1977: ii9ff.)> itself based on a sixteenth-century root text, the Lhan cig skyes sbyor khrid by the ninth Karma pa (dBang phyug rdo rje, 1556-1603). While Karma bKa' brgyud lamas around the world today frequently give the initiation of Vajravarahi, they observe a strict code of secrecy in imparting the instructions for her actual practice; however, published accounts of some practices within some bKa' brgyud schools are now available. 8 4f f. - VajrayoginI is also an important deity within the Sa skya school. Accord- ing to Lama Jampa Thaye (personal communication: 2002), 9 her practices /• n\ xxiv VAJRAYOGINl were received into the Sa skya tradition in the early twelfth century, during the lifetime of Sa chen Kun dga' snying po (1092-1158), first of the "five ven- erable masters" of the Sa skya. Sa chen received from his teachers the initi- ations, textual transmissions, and instructions for three forms of Vajrayoginl. 10 The first is a form derived also from Naropa, and again called Nd ro mkha spyodoi "Ndro's khecari" (although it is entirely different from the Tilopa-Naropa-Mar pa transmission of Vajravarahl in the bKa' brgyud in that the deity has a different iconographical form with a distinct set of associated practices). The second is a form derived from the siddha Maitnpa^ known therefore as Maitri Khecari (Metri mkha ' spyod ma; see fig. 18). The third is derived from the siddha Indrabhuti, known therefore as Indra Khecari {Indra mkha sypod ma; see fig. 6). This Form is sometimes also known as Indra Vajravdrdhi, although as a deity in her own right, Vajravarahl has received much less attention among Sa skya pas than the Khecari lineages. i 1 These three forms are traditionally considered the highest practices within a collection of esoteric deity practices known as The Thirteen Golden Dharmas ofSa skya (Sa skya V gser chos bcu gsum), as they are said to lead directly to transcendental attainment. 12 However, it was Ndro Khecari who became the focus of most devotion in the Sa skya tradition, and the prac- tice instructions associated with her sadhana were transmitted in the form of eleven yogas drawn from the siddha Naropa's own encounter with Vajra- yoginl. The most influential exposition of this system of eleven yogas emerged in the sixteenth century; known as The Ultimafe'Secret Yoga, it is acomposition by 'Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse dbang phyug (1524-68) on the basis of oral instructions received from his master, Tsar chen Bio gsal rgya mtsho (1494-1560). 13 Since that time, the eleven yogas "have retained great importance in the Sa skya spiritual curriculum" (ibid.). The practices have retained their esoteric status for Sa skya pas, and are "secret" in as much as one may not study or practice them without the requisite initia- tions and transmissions. In the eighteenth century, it appears that the Sa skya transmission of Ndro Khecari and the eleven yogas entered the dGe lugs tradition. This ; { seems to have occurred in the lifetime of the Sa skya master, Ngag dbang kun dga' legs pa'i 'byung gnas. His exact dates are unclear, but the next Sa skya lineage holder is his pupil, Kun dga' bio gros (1729-83). Ngag dbang kun dga' legs pa'i 'byung gnas is in fact the last of the Sa skya lineage hold- ers given in dGe lugs sources (he appears as "Nasarpa" in the list given by K. Gyatso 1999: 343-46), and from this point, the dGe lugs lineage prayers PREFACE xxv reveal their own distinct sequence of transmissions (ibid.). The dGe lugs pa had originally focused upon Vajrayoginl/Vajravarahl in her role as consort to their main deity, Cakrasamvara, following the teaching of TsongTcha pa (i357- I 4 I 9)- Cakrasamvara was one of the three meditational deities, along with Yamantaka and Guhyasamaja, whose systems Tsong kha pa drew together as the foundational practices of the dGe lugs school. In this con- text, Tsong kha pa's explanatory text, Illuminating All Hidden Meanings (sBas don kungsal) is apparently the main source on Vajrayogini (K. Gyatso 1999: xii); and she has actually been described as Tsong kha pa's "innermost yidam, kept very secretly in his heart" (Ngawang Dhargyey 1992: 9). This claim, however, was probably intended to bolster Vajrayogini's relatively recent presence in the dGe lugs pantheon, as the Sa skya tradition of eleven yogas was only popularized in the dGe lugs in the twentieth cenutury, by Pha bong kha (1878-1941). According to Dreyfus (1998: 246), "Pa-bong-ka differed in recommending Vajrayogini as the central meditational deity of the Ge-luk tradition. This emphasis is remarkable given the fact that the practice of this deity came originally [i.e., as late as tKe^gfiteenth century] from the Sa-gya tradition and is not included in Dzong-kha-ba's original synthesis." The Vajrayogini practice passed on by Pha bong kha and his pupil, Kyabje Trijang, focuses on the set of eleven yogas; and despite their esoteric, and therefore highly secret, nature — and the absolute prerequisite of receiving correct empowerments — explanations of these practices have been published and are widely available in English: by Geshe Kelsang Gyatso (1991/99), Geshe Ngawang Dhargyey (1992), and Khensur Rin- poche Lobsang Tharchin (1997). 14 The rNying ma has also drawn the practices of Vajrayoginl/Vajravarahl into its schools. Her presence is read back into the life of Padmasambhava, the eighth-century founder of the rNying ma, who is said to have received initiation from Vajravarahi herself following his expulsion from the court of King Indrabhuti (Dudjom 1991: 469). Other important rNying ma lin- eage holders are also traditionally associated with the deity. For example, in the life story of Klong chen Rab 'byams pa (1308-63), as given by Dud- jom Rinpoche (1991), he is said to have received visions of both a white Varahl and a blue Vajravarahi, who foretell Klong chen pa's own meeting with Padmasambhava {ibid.: 577, 581). It is also Vajravarahi who leads him to the discovery of the treasure text (gter ma), Innermost Spirituality of the Dakini ((Man ngag) mkha"gro snyingtig), the meaning of which is explained to him by Yeshe Tsogyel (Ye shes mtsho rgyal) {ibid.: 586). This identifi- cation between Vajrayoginl/Vajravarahl and Yeshe Tsogyel is significant — xxvi VAJRAYOGINl although Yeshe Tsogyel tends to be identified at different times with most of the major female deities of the tradition, such as Samantabhadri and Tara (Dowman 1984: 12; Klein 1995: 17). In the account of Yeshe Tsogyel's life, a gter ma discovered in the eighteenth century (and now translated no fewer than three times into English), she is at times clearly identified with Vajrayogini/Vajravarahi (e.g., Dowman 1984: 38, 85, 178); indeed, her sambhogakaya is said to be that of the deity (e.g., Gyelwa Jangchub in Dow- man 1984: 4-5, 224; Klein 1995!: 147; J. Gyatso 1998: 247). The identifica- tion of Yeshe Tsogyel with Vajrayogini/Vajravarahi is also suggested by Rig 'dzin 'Jigs med gling pa (1730-98), whose Dakkis Grand Secret Talk is revealed to him by a "paradigmatic" dakinl, whom J. Gyatso (1998: 247) concludes is Yeshe Tsogyel herself 15 Various guruyoga practices within the rNying ma also formalize the connection between Yeshe Tsogyel and the deity. For example, in 'Jigs rned gling pa's mind treasure, the Klong chen snying thig, the devotee longs for union with his guru as Padmasambhava, while identifying himself (and his state of yearning) with Yeshe Tsogyal in the form of Vajrayogini/Vajravarahi. In other guruyoga practices, such as The Bliss Path of Liberation (Thar pa'i bde lam), the practitioner identifies directly with Vajrayogini, who becomes "the perfect exemplar of such devo- tion" (Rigdzin Shikpo 2002: personal communication). 16 Over and above the deity's ubiquitous involvement in guruyoga medi- tations (a feature, as we have seen, of many Tibetan traditions), her pop- ularity as a main deity in her own right is revealed by the growing number of liturgies devoted to her practice in the later rNying ma traditions. Robert Mayer (personal communication: 2002) mentions entire ritual cycles devoted to Vajravarahl, such as a volume entitled, Union of All Secret Dakinis (mKha ' gro gsang ba kun 'dus kyi chos skor). This was composed by the eminent nineteenth-century figure, 'Jams dbyangs mkhyen brtse'i dbang po, who believed it to be the "further revelation" (yanggter) of a gter ma dating back to the thirteenth century. The original gter ma revelation was by the famous female rNying ma gter ston Jo mo sman mo, herself deeply connected with Vajravarahi {ibid.; Allione 1984: 209-11). This vol- ume is entirely dedicated to an important form of Vajravarahl in rNying ma practice, which is related to the gCod tradition, from Ma gcig lab sgron ma (1031-1129) (Allione ibid.: 142-204). Here, the deity takes the wrath- ful black form of (ma cig) KhroslKhro ma nag mo or Krodhakali, also some- times identified as Rudrani/i (Mayer op. cit.). Patrul Rinpoche (1994: 297-98) describes an iconographical form that, apart from its color, is much the same as that of Indraddkini (for a full tangka of Krodhakali with PREFACE xxvii retinue, see Himalayan Art, no. 491). In full, however, this is an extremely esoteric practice and, in the case of the principal bDud 'joms gter ma cycles at least, is regarded as "so secret and powerful that practitioners are often advised to either take it as their sole practice, or not seek the initiation at all" (Mayer op. cit). Tibetans also recognize a living reincarnation trulku (sprul sku) of Vajravarahi (rDo rje phag mo). The first trulku was a pupil of Phyogs las rnam rgyal (also known as 'Jigs med grags pa and as Chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1376-1452), the learned Bo dong Pan chen of the monastery Bo dong E (probably a bKa' gdams pa foundation in 1049). A Bo dong pa Monastery was subsequently founded at bSam sdings by the side of Yar 'brog mtsho (Yamdrog Lake), referred to as Yar 'brog bSam sdings dgon pa, and it was here that the trulku of rDo rje phag mo became established (Rigdzin Shikpo 2002: personal communication). The first abbess is one of the most famous incarnations, memorable for escaping from an invasion in 1717/19 of the Dzungar Tartars by apparently causing everyone in the monastery to appear as a herd of grazing pigs. But later incarnations have also been revered, and famed for their connection with Vajravarahi, until the present trulku (b. 1937/38) who became an eminent official in the Chinese administration (Simmer-Brown 2001: 185-86; cf. Taring 1970: 167; Willis 1989: 104). The pervasiveness of Vajrayogini/ Vajravarahi in Tibet is attested by her appearance also within the Tibetan Bon tradition. Peter Alan Roberts (per- sonal communication: 2002) has translated a meditation text by Shar rdza bKra shis rgyal mtshan (1859-1934) that focuses on the development of the experience of "the wisdom of bliss and emptiness" (bde stongye shes), with "heat" (gtum mo/canddll) as a sign of accomplishment. The work is entitled The Inferno of Wisdom (Ye shes me dpung) u and draws on Bon compositions going back to the eleventh or twelfth century gter ma texts. It describes a wrathful, cremation-ground dakini named Thugs rjes Kun grol ma ("She Who Liberates All through Compassion") who is clearly a form of Vajra- varahi. She is ruby-red in color, adorned with skulls, and stands on one leg in the dancing posture; a black sow's head protrudes from her crown, and she brandishes a chopper aloft, holds a skull bowl of fresh blood to her heart, and clasps a skull staff in the crook of her left shoulder. The sym- bolism governing her attributes, as well as the metaphysical context of emptiness, all appear in typical Vajravarahi sadhanas in the Buddhist tantric traditions. The practice of Vajrayogini/ Vajravarahi is not exclusive to Tibet, how- ever. In Nepal, Vajrayogini is popularly worshiped as one of a set of four xxvill VAJRAYOGINI vdrdhis or yoginls: Guhyesvarl (also worshiped as Prajnaparamita, Nairat- mya, and Agniyogini), Vidyesvarl of Kathmandu, Vajrayogini of Sankhu, and Vajrayogini of Pharping (Slusser 1982: 256, 327). There are several tem- ples of Vajravarahl and Vajrayogini in the Kathmandu Valley, for example, at Chapagaon Grove {ibid.: 325-26, 341), and at the hilltop temple of Phar- ping {ibid.: 331). In Sankhu, Vajrayogini is the tutelary deity of the town, and her temple is dedicated to the fierce cremation ground goddess "Ugratara Vajrayogini" (Slusser 1982: 72 with n. 141). Here, Vajrayogini is also identified with Prajnaparamita, "mother of all tathagatas," and is con- sidered the spouse of Svayambhu or Adibuddha, who is housed in a smaller shrine on the same site, while in the Hindu version of the local myth, she is identified with Siva's consort, Durga (Zanen 1986: 131). Gellner (1992: 256) comments that in Nepal, "Vajrayogini seems... to play a role in unit- ing exoteric deities, such as Tara or Kumarl and the Eight Mothers, with the consorts of the secret tan trie deities, viz. Vajravarahl... Jnanadakinl... and Nairatmya." Gellner goes on to describe tan trie rites of initiation in cur- rent Newar practice that are taken mainly by Vajracarya and Sakya males {ibid.: 169-270). Here, "Tantric initiation (diksd) means primarily the ini- tiation of Cakrasamvara and his consort Vajravarahl" {ibid.: 268). The rites of initiation themselves are considered highly esoteric and are guarded with secrecy {ibid.: 273-80). Gellner's description — gleaned with difficulty from a learned informant — provides a rare insight into the modern-day prac- tices. The first part of the initiation focuses upon Cakrasamvara, and is based on handbooks that follow the twelfth-century exegetical work, the Kriydsamuccaya. The second part of the rite focuses on the consort Vajravarahl (or "Vajradevl") and is based upon material taken from the Samvarodayatantra, but also upon as yet unidentified sources {ibid.: 272). Despite drawing from early tantric sources, the rites currently in use in Nepal have been substantially altered in the process of taming and adapt- ing them to suit tantric initiates who are householders {ibid.: 30off.). Never- theless, the preeminence of Vajravarahl in the tantric pantheon is retained in the modern Newar system. The series of rites that comprise the tantric initiation culminates with initiation into the practice of Vajravarahl, thus indicating her supreme position within the hierarchy of Newar religious practice {ibid.: 280; cf. ibid.: 261-62). From this brief overview of the practices of Vajrayogini and Vajravarahl outside India, it should be evident that we are dealing with a deity of major significance within tantric Buddhism. It is therefore unsurprising to find, within the burgeoning of modern publications on the highest tantras, a PREFACE xxix number of works that also relate to the subject. Some impressive studies on the dakini have appeared, such as the detailed monograph by Adelheid Her- rmann-Pfandt (1992) and valuable explorations by Janet Gyatso (1998) and Judith Simmer-Brown (2001). Such studies tend to range also across other academic disciplines; notably, the image of the yogini or dakini has inspired a large body of crosscultural and feminist theological discourse. 18 My own approach is predominantly textual: I have explored the con- tents of a major Sanskrit source that sheds light on the Indian origins of Vajrayogini practice and underpins later traditions. The importance of the Guhyasamayasddhanamdldto the study of Vajrayogini/Vajravarahi can hardly be overstated. Within this, I have restricted the scope of my work to Sanskrit sources (and as I do not know Tibetan, I am greatly indebted to others in the few instances where I cite Tibetan texts). My aim has been, simply, to represent my sources as faithfully as possible, either by translating or summarizing their contents. Although this type of under- taking may itself be prone to, perhaps even determined by, all kinds of sub- jective and cultural interpretation and selectivity by its author, I have tried to present the material in a manner that is more descriptive than inter- pretive. For example, my use of the masculine pronoun throughout reflects the usage in my source material; this, despite the fact that the practice of Vajrayogini/Vajravarahi was — and certainly is — undertaken by women as well as men. What I hope emerges here is as accurate a record as I am able to give of the early origins of the cult from the textual evidence that remains to us. I have begun in chapter 1 by locating Vajrayogini within the complex tra- ditions of the Buddhist tantras. I then turn to the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld itself and explore what is known of its provenance, both of its authors and of the tantric sadhana that makes up the bulk of its contents. Chapter 2 forms a survey of all the different forms of Vajrayogini within the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld, and also of the various ritual contexts in which these forms are evoked. It therefore gives an overview of the cult in India as it emerges from these texts. Chapter 3 is a study of one particular sadhana from the collection, the Vajravdrdhi Sadhana by Umapatideva, which is divided into its own distinctive meditation stages and final ritual portion. The Sanskrit edition (with notes) and the translation to the sadhana follow chapter 3. The appendix gives a list of all sadhanas in the Guhyasamaya- sddhanamdld (with witnesses where I have found them) and a summary of their contents. xxx VAJRAYOGINI Acknowledgments It is a great delight to acknowledge the generosity of my teachers, colleagues, friends, and family. My debt to Professor Alexis Sanderson in guiding me through my doctoral thesis has already been recorded, and I thank him for his continued scholarly help and kind encouragement. Dr. Harunaga Isaac- son has all along been a patient and untiring teacher and friend; with unique care, he commented upon earlier drafts of this book, never demuring when I presented him with everchanging versions. Despite all their corrections, many mistakes no doubt remain, the responsibility for which are mine alone. Many colleagues have also contributed substantially, with no small investment of time and energy, among whom I am particularly grateful to Professor Gudrun Biihnemann, Dr. Adelheid Herrmann-Pfandt, Lama Jampa Thaye, Dr. Robert Mayer, Rigdzin Shikpo, Dr. Peter Roberts, Dr. Geoffrey Samuel, and Dr. Jan-Ulrich Sobisch and also to the librarians of the Indian Institute Library, Oxford, and to Adrian Hale, formerly of Wolf- son College library, Oxford. For their comradeship and help during the years of the doctorate, I would like to thank Dr. David Burton (Dharmacari Asanga), Dr. Kei Kataoka, Philip Purves (Dharmacari Vijaya), Dr. Judit Torzsok, Dr. Som Dev Vasudeva and Dr. Wan Doo Kim, not forgetting musical interludes with Isabelle Phan, and the constancy of Girindre Bee- harry. For his practical resourcefulness and kindness during my time at Oxford, I also thank Professor Richard Gombrich. My research was made possible by financial support from a number of bodies: the British Acad- emy, the Boden Fund, and the Spalding Trust, and more recently from St. Martin's College. In dedicating this book to my teachers, I am able to include my loving parents, with whom this journey really began. And I rejoice in the merits of Venerable Urgyen Sangharakshita, who inspired me to set out on the spiritual path, and whose example is a daily reminder of what is possible. I am also blessed with exceptional friends, among whom it is a joy to thank Tejananda — whose contribution would take a book in itself to acknowl- edge — and Vassika. Indeed, my heartfelt gratitude goes to all my leonine friends who have helped in so many ways to bring this book about. Finally, my thanks go to E. Gene Smith at Wisdom Publications for looking favor- ably at my unwieldy doctoral thesis, and to my editor, David Kittelstrom, whose patient care and eagle eye have transformed it into a book. The generosity of my publishers has allowed me to bring together six- teen color plates in this volume, and a large number of line drawings. For w PREFACE xxxi helpful advice in this respect, I thank Mr. Robert Beer, Dr. Martin Brauen, Professor Lokesh Chandra, Dr. Giinter Gronbold, and Professor Deborah Klimburg-Salter. Above all, it is a pleasure to thank Dharmacari Aloka for his considerable contribution in providing so many fine line drawings, effortlessly conjured up, as it seemed, from the descriptions of the Sanskrit texts. These have been generously funded by The Spalding Trust, and Dharmacari Padmakara. I hope that this study of Vajrayogini will prove a useful offering to the ever growing literature on the rich traditions of Buddhism. Elizabeth English August 2002 1 l. VajrayoginI and the Buddhist Tantras 7 "^he cult of tantric goddess, VajrayoginI, flowered in India between the tenth and twelfth centuries c.e. at a mature phase of / ^ the Buddhist tantras. One of the most important sources for her practice in India is a collection of sadhanas. A sadhana is a meditation and ritual text — literally, a "means of attainment" (sadhanam) — that centers upon a chosen deity, in this case, upon VajrayoginI or one of her various manifestations. This particular collection was written and preserved in San- skrit and drawn together under the late, collective title, the Guhyasamaya- sadhanamala (GSS). It is one of these sadhanas that is edited and translated in this book, and that serves as the basis for our exploration of the goddess, particularly in her form as Vajravarahi. Who is VajrayoginI? The texts refer to her reverentially as a "blessed one" (bhagavati), as a "deity" (devata) or "goddess" (devi). She is divine in the sense that she embodies enlightenment; and as she is worshiped at the cen- ter of a mandala of other enlightened beings, the supreme focus of devo- tion, she has the status of a buddha. In the opening verse to the Vajravarahi Sadhana, the author salutes her as a vajradevi, that is, as a Vajrayana or tantric Buddhist (vajra) goddess, and in the final verse prays that all beings may become enlightened like her, that is, that they may attain "the state of the glorious vajra goddess" (srivajradevipadavi). The Buddhist Tantric Systems Tantric_B uddhism is the wing of the Mahayana that revolves around mantra as a path or "way," and that is known therefore as the Mantrayana or Mantranaya, or as the Vajrayana after one of its primary symbols, the vajra. A pithy definition of tantra is elusive. 19 Vaisnavism, Saivism, and 2 VAJRAYOGINI other Indian religions including Buddhism all developed rich tantric tra- ditions, and the term broadly denotes particular types of ritual employed within their various deity cults. "Tantra" also refers to the various bodies of literature within these traditions: scriptural and exegetical texts that pro- vide instructions for attainments, both spiritual and mundane. One gains an idea of the size of the Buddhist tantric tradition alone when one con- siders that it evolved in India for a thousand years (from about the second century c.e.), and that this process has continued in Tibet and beyond for another thousand. The main production of tantric texts occurred in India between about the third and twelfth centuries. Some indication of the numbers involved can be gleaned from the sheer quantity of works trans- lated from Sanskrit into Tibetan from the end of this period. The tantric portion of the Tibetan canon contains almost five hundred tantric scrip- tures and over three thousand commentarial texts; Isaacson (2001: per- sonal communication) suggests there may exist as many as three thousand Buddhist tantric texts in Sanskrit, of which over a quarter — perhaps many more — have not been translated into Tibetan or any other language. 20 In order to locate Vajrayogini and her cult within this vast spiritual corpus, it is worth beginning with a brief summary of Buddhist tantric literature. But with so many texts to consider, and with such an array of practices and methods revealed within them, where is one to begin? The problem of how to classify and codify the material has occupied scholars from at least the eighth century and does so even today as contemporary scholars con- tinue to propose new ways of approaching and organizing the materials (e.g., Linrothe 1999). The result is that there are various systems for cate- gorizing the Buddhist tantras that are by no means standard, and how these different classes of texts arose, or came to be known, is something of a mystery. It seems that one of the earliest classifications of the Buddhist tantras occurred in the eighth century by Buddhaguhya, who recognized only two classes, kriydtantras and yogatantras (Mimaki 1994: 122, n. 17). The subject- matter ofsome tantras, however, was neither principally kriyd (kriydpra- dhdna), nor principally yoga (yogapradhdna), but seemed to combine "both" (ubhaya); these were termed ubhayatantras y and later, carydtantras (Isaac- son 1998). It is this threefold classification — kriya-, carya-, and~yoga- tantras — to which an eighth-century scholar/practitioner, Vilasavajra, confidently refers. Of these classes, the earliest tantric texts are found within the kriyatantras ("action tantras"), which appeared between at least the third century, when they are known to have been translated into Chinese VAJRAYOGINl AND THE BUDDHIST TANTRAS 3 (Hodge 1994: 74-76), and at least the sixth century. The so-called carya- tantras ("performance tantras") were current from at least the mid seventh with the emergence of its root text, the Vairocanabhisambodhi {ibid.: 6$ff.) Despite their status as "tantras," religious teachings supposedly revealed by the historical Buddha, these classes hold essentially ritual manuals and dharanis concerned with supernatural, desiderative attainments {siddhis), such as locating treasure, alchemy, flying, invisibility, forcing access to heav- enly realms, warding off evils, and so on; they make little reference to sote- riological goals. Sanderson (1994b: 97 n. 1) comments on the enduring popularity of the kriya- and caryatantras, even among translators of later soteriological tantras (such as Amoghavajra, d. 774), as well as their con- tinuing importance in apotropaic rituals in Newar, Tibetan, and Japanese Buddhism. The fascination with siddhis of various types remains in later tantric literature, as the study of Vajrayogini will show. By distinguishing the kriyatantras (or the kriya- and caryatantras) from the yogatantras, the eighth-century scholars were in fact pointing to the emergence of a new kind of tantra that had entered the Buddhist arena, probably from the late seventh century (Hodge op.cit.: 65-66, 58). The root text of the yogatantra is the Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha (STTS), and like the caryatantras, it centers on the supreme buddha, Vairocana. However, it reveals an important shift in emphasis. This is the first work in which tantric methodologies, such as rites of consecration, mantras, and mandalas, were directly aligned to soteriological as well as to desiderative goals. The significance of bringing a liberationist slant to bear on tantric methods was not lost upon commentators, who were clearly aware of the need to bring traditional Buddhist values into the tantric field. Vilasavajra, for example, wrote a commentary based on the Vajradhatumandala of the STTS, in which he set out "to encode and interpret tantric ritual in Mahayanist doc- trinal terms" (Tribe 1994: 4). 21 Portions of yogatantra text are probably the oldest incorporated into the literature of Vajrayogini. Even within Vilasavajra's exegesis, however, there was other liberationist material that did not fit easily into the yogatantra category, a fact he seems to have recognized by designating his root text, the Ndmasamgiti, a "mahayoga" or "great tantra" (Tribe 1997: 128, nn. 11, 18, and 20). Indeed, new kinds of texts with marked differences in subject matter were begin- ning to emerge, and these were soon to be contrasted with the yogatantras and given the new designation "yoginltantras." Within the soteriological tantric realm these two terms — yogatantra and yoginltantra — seem to refer to the two main divisions of Buddhist tantras, and commentators frequently 1 J. VAJRAYOGINI I pair them together as the "yoga- and yoginltantras." 22 Thus, the common- est classification of tantric texts in India was probably fourfold: kriya-, carya-, yoga-, and yoginitantras (Isaacson 1998). The yoginltantra class is characterized by the appearance of a new Buddha at the center of its mandalas, namely Aksobhya and his manifestations, supreme enlightened beings who belong to the vajra ("diamond" or "thun- derbolt") family of deities. These deities are wrathful in appearance with a startling affinity for places of death and impurity, the cremation grounds; they also manifest a vivid sexual symbolism. 23 One of the key cults within this class is based on the tantric deity Hevajra and was probably emerging around or after the tenth century. 24 In the Hevajratantra, Hevajra is seen to be a heruka form, that is, a type of wild enlightened being who dwells in cremation grounds with a retinue of cremation-ground deities and spirits. Other yoginltantra systems, probably roughly contemporary with the Hevajratantra, also center on this type of heruka deity: Cakrasamvara, Candamaharosana, Buddhakapala, Mahamayahva, and Kalacakra are all heruka forms who appear as lords of their own mandalas. Their appearance, accoutrements, and behavior all relate to practices that ascetics undertook while dwelling in cremation grounds. These are the kapdlika observances, or observances based on the skull (kapalah, kapalam), chief tool and sym- bol for yogins of this kind. The heruka lord is also worshiped in embrace with his consort, while the retinue of male and female deities in his mandala may also be in sexual union. The principle of sakti begins to emerge in these texts as a potency man- ifesting in powerful female deities. It comes to the fore through the figure of the female consorts and the many types of goddesses, witches, or female spirits — yoginis and dakinls — who haunt the wilds and live in the crema- tion grounds. As sakti is increasingly emphasized, texts tend to redefine tra- ditional Mahayana soteriology in the language of erotico-yogic techniques and mahamudra (p. 91). Thus, as one tantra explains: "The Mahayana is mahamudra, and yoginis bring magical power." 25 It is these texts that form the direct basis for the cult of Vajrayoginl. Within the yoginitantras we see a growing preoccupation with the yogini, or enlightened female deity. In some mandalas she is worshiped as the chief deity within a predominantly female mandala, even though she is still in embrace with a male partner (e.g., see ch. 2). Eventually, cults emerged in which the male consorts dis- appeared entirely from view, leaving the female deity to be worshiped alone at the center of a new mandala. Often the form of the mandala is preserved exactly as it was before, except that the male deities have simply been VAJRAYOGINl AND THE BUDDHIST TANTRAS 5 removed. This is typical of the mandalas described in the sadhanas of the Guhyasamayasddhanamdla. Our study of the Vajravarahl mandala in Umapatideva's Vajravarahl Sddhana will show that it is modeled exactly upon that of Cakrasamvara, except that in Vajravarahl' s mandala all the male gods of Cakrasamvara' s mandala have disappeared, leaving the god- desses without consorts, and supreme. Our summary so far of the tantric systems has shown the cult of Vajra- yogini to be firmly grounded within the yoginitantra class. But this classi- fication is more complex than I have made out. On the one hand, there were already texts akin to the yoginitantras well before the maturing of the Heruka cults in the ninth and tenth centuries; the Sarvabuddhasamdyoga- ddkinijdlasamvara is one such "proto-yoginitantra" that is known to have been in existence in the mid-eighth century (Sanderson 1995). 26 Here, the lords of the mandalas are heruka- type, esoteric deities, in sexual union with consorts and surrounded by retinues of female dakinis. This tantra was still in use in Tibet in the eleventh century, "no doubt because of its evident kin- ship with the later yoginitantras" (ibid.). On the other hand, there were texts that sat uncomfortably within the yogatantra system, but that were not so markedly different that they fell naturally into the yoginitantra classifi- cation. This gave rise to another tantra class known as the "yogottara," lit- erally that which is "higher than the yoga [class]." Isaacson (op.cit.) suggests the term "yogottaratantra" was a later designa- tion. Certainly when Vilasavajra refers to the Guhyasamdjatantra, and to other texts that were later named as "yogottara," such as the Vajrabhairava- tantra and the Mdydjdlatantra, he seems to be unaware of any such class (Tribe 1994: 5). This stratum of tantric literature arose about a century after the yogatantras, and its root text, the Guhyasamdjatantra, was codified and translated into Tibetan in the eighth century (Matsunaga 1972; Snellgrove 1987: 183). The introduction of this extra "yogottara" classification seems to reflect the fact that in the course of its evolution, the Guhyasamaja system (including its exegetical literature) came to be seen as sufficiently different from the older yogatantras — and certainly superior to it — to require a dif- ferent label (Isaacson op.cit). As in the yoginitantras, the mandalas of the Guhyasamaja (or Samaja) tradition are presided over by Aksobhya and by vajra-family deities, who are often both wrathful and erotic in character. Since the tantras of the yogini class were deemed superior even to those of the yogottara, Isaacson suggests that they probably received the additional designation "yoganiruttaratantras," literally: "tantras of the highest (nirut- tara, division: of the yoga [class]" (translation by Sanderson 1994b: 98 n. 6 VAJRAYOGINI I). Even this fivefold classification of kriya-, carya-, yoga-, yogottara-, and yoginitantras (the system almost ubiquitously expounded in our secondary literature) was not necessarily a widely accepted solution by scholars/prac- titioners of the day. Mimaki (1994) lists seven different classifications from various Indian exegetes and tantras, without even touching on the fourfold schema described above as possibly the most common (i.e., kriya-, carya-, yoga-, and yoginitantras). Atis'a, for example, writing in the early mid- eleventh century, sought to clarify works that strayed between the yoga and yogottara camps by inserting between them two more tantra classes — upaya- ("means"), and ubhaya- ("dual") — thus presenting a new sevenfold classi- fication of tantras. In Tibet, the classification of texts likewise presents a complex picture (Mimaki 1994: 121). Among the gSar ma pa schools, there is the famous system of Bu ston (1290— 1346), which preserves the divisions of the kriya- (bya ba'i rgyud), carya- (spyod pa'i rgyud), and yoga- (rnal 'by or gyi rgyud), but which classes those of the yogottara- and yoginitantras together as the anuttaratantra, or "ultimate tantra" (rnal 'byor bla na medpa V rgyud). This fourth class is itself subdivided into father (phargyud), mother (margyud), and nondual tantras (gnyis med rgyud). Mother tantras, or wisdom tantras (yeshes rgyud) are further analyzed into seven groups, one of which (itself with five subdivisions) comprises tantras connected with Heruka (Tsuda 1974: 28). The classification of the rNying ma tantric canon is based on a ninefold system of classification, in which such categories as mahayoga (noted above) re-emerge as a distinct group (Germano 1994: 241-51 with n. 114, Williams and Tribe 2000: 203). Complicated as the divisions and subdivisions of the tantric corpus are, they have been made more so by mistranslations in use in the West. Sanderson (1993) has pointed out that the term anuttarayogatantra found in some secondary sources does not occur in Sanskrit enumerations of the different classes of tantras and is likely to derive from an incorrect back- formation from the Tibetan rnal 'byor bla med kyi rgyud or "yoganiruttara- tantras." (This refers to the class of Sanskrit works whose translations in the Tohoku catalogue are nos. 360—441, also termed rnal 'byor ma'i rgyud or "yoginitantra"; Sanderson 1994b: 98 n. 1). The term "yoganuttaratantras" (sometimes applied by secondary authors to yoganiruttaratantras) is also not attested in Sanskrit sources (Isaacson 2001: personal communication). Within this vast and complex body of tantric literature, the practices of Vajrayogini belong to the most developed phase of the yoginitantras. Vajra- r VAJRAYOGINl AND THE BUDDHIST TANTRAS 7 yoginl literature is unlike other systems within that class, however, in that it generally lacks its own tantras. It draws instead upon the scriptural texts of the Cakrasamvara cult: the Samvara-, or Samvaratantras. 27 Sanderson (1995) summarizes the Samvara corpus as follows: The root text (mulatantram) is the Laghusamvaratantra, also called Herukdbhidhdna- or Cakrasamvaratantra (BBK: 251). The text does not survive in its entirety; lost portions are accessible only through the early eleventh-century Tibetan translation, lem- mata in tenth-century Sanskrit commentaries, and in secondary texts such as the Abhidhdnottaratantra. The Abhidhdnottaratantra (BBK: 254). Its relationship with the Cakrasamvaratantra is that of explanatory tantra (*vydkhyd- tantram) to root text (mulatantram), according to Buddhaguhya's terminology. Vajraddkatantra (BBK: 255). Samvarodayatantra (BBK: 256). Ddkdrnavatantra (BBK: 255). Yoginlsamcdratantra (BBK: 258). Herukdbhyudaya (not surviving in Sanskrit). Caturyoginisamputa (BBK: 259). It is scriptures such as these — in particular, the Yoginlsamcdratantra, Samvarodayatantra, and Abhidhdnottaratantra — that inform the sadhanas of the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld. One sadhana in the collection (GSS70) is based upon a unique Vajravarahi scriptural source, the Vardhyabhyu- dayatantra, itself apparently extracted from the Abhidhdnottaratantra (Sanderson 2001a). In another, there is even a reference to the Laksdbhi- dhdna 1 * (sometimes identified with the Khasamatantra) , which is a mythi- cal work, supposedly vast and authoritative in ten thousand verses, and allegedly the source from which the Cakrasamvaratantra itself was extracted (Tsuda 1974: 33). The same legendary authority is claimed in the Yoginlsam- cdratantra following its description of the body mandala, a core Cakra- samvara practice taken over with very little adaptation in Umapatideva's Vajravarahi Sadhana. The Vajrayogini tradition does not simply graft itself onto the scriptural rootstock of Cakrasamvara; it borrows equally freely from the Cakrasamvara tradition of commentary and exegesis. We will see how the authors of the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld rely on the liturgical and commentarial texts at 8 VAJRAYOGINI Table i. Authors Authors and their works in the Guhyasamayasadhanamala Works in GSS Indrabhuti (or his lineage) Luyipada Vajrayoginimukhagama (GSSi) Pradlpahutividhi (GSS14) Indrabhutikramena Vajrayoginlsadhana by Vijayavajra (GSS35) Vajravarahlsadhana (GSS 2) Advayavajra Sakyaraksita Vajravarahlsadhana (GSS3) Sarvarthasiddhisadhana (GSS15) Vajravarahlsadhana (GSS31) Possibly Trayodas'atmikavajradakinivajravarahisadhana (GSS16) Abhisamayamanjarl (GSS 5) Sahara (and his lineage) Guhyavajravilasinlsadhana (GSS10) Vajrayoginlsadhana (GSS19) Vidyadharivajrayoginyaradhanavidhi (GSS23) Possibly Vidyadharlkramavajrayoginisadhana (GSS21) Vidyadharikramabhavana (GSS22) [Vidyadhari-jaradhanavidhi (GSS5, K38n) Umapatideva Vajravarahlsadhana (GSS11) Buddhadatta Gopyahomavidhi (GSS13) Vi rupa 'Laksmi" (?) "Pindarthah Sodas'aslokas Trikayavajrayoginyah" (GSS26) Trikayavajrayoginistutipranidhana (GSS27) Trikayavajrayoginisadhana (GSS25) Possibly Vajrayoginlsadhana (GSS20) TrikayavajrayoginI text in GSS 5 (K36r5) Vajrayoginlsadhana (GSS9, GSS30) Laksmisadhana (GSS24) Vilasavajra Samksiptavajravarahisadhana (GSS29) Possibly GSS4 Sahajavalokana- samadhivajra Binducudamanir nama svadhisthanakrama (GSS32) Possibly GSS33 Dhyayipada Vijayavajra "Paramagambhiropades'o Vajrayoginyah Karankatoranakramah Svadhisthanam" (GSS34) Possibly GSS33 Indrabhutikramena Vajrayoginlsadhana (GSS35) Vibhuticandra Vajravilasinistotra (GSS43) Anangayogin Dakiniguhyasamayasadhana (GSS46) VAJRAYOGINI AND THE BUDDHIST TANTRAS 9 their disposal, and how they are able to adapt them for the worship of Vajrayogini. This is most evident in the ritual portion of the sadhana, as described in chapter 3. The Guhyasamayasadhanamala and Its Authors The most direct sources for our study of Vajrayogini are the sadhanas of the Guhyasamayasadhanamala (GSS). This is a group of some forty-six San- skrit works drawn together as a collection centering upon Vajrayogini and her manifestations. Fifteen of its works claim the authorship of named indi- viduals, and it is to them that we now turn in order to gain some insight into the date of the compositions and the context in which they were writ- ten. Table 1 shows a list of our authors and the works attributed to them. Since in some cases an author's influence upon an unattributed work may be inferred, authorship of almost half the texts in the collection can be firmly or loosely established (details are supplied in the appendix). Establishing the dates of these authors is a thorny subject. I tentatively summarize the dates discussed here on the time chart (table 2). Various life histories survive, chiefly in Tibetan, although informed by a hagiographi- cal and sometimes sectarian agenda (Tatz 1987: 696). Among key sources on this subject is the famous Legends of the Eighty-Four Mahasiddhas (Grubthob brgyadcu rtsabzhVi lorgyus, hereafter Legends), which supplies accounts of the lives of Indrabhuti, Laksminkara, Luyipada, Sahara, and the slightly younger author Virupa. 29 More information on their lineages, and episodes from their lives, can be gleaned from the Blue Annals (Debther sNgonpo), written by 'Gos Lotsawa (Locchawa) (1392-1481), and the History of Buddhism in India by Taranatha (1575-?), but neither of these works can be relied upon for accurate dating. Scholars have often attempted to date authors according to the testimony of transmission lineages, a risky enter- prise that Kvaerne describes as "methodological error" (1977: 6). Illustra- tive of the problem is Dowman's attempt to date the mahasiddhas using traditional Buddhist scholarship, according to which there are no fewer than three kings of Oddiyana called Indrabhuti (1985: 2326°; cf. Dudjom 1991: 441, 458-59, 485-87): Indrabhuti the Great, who may be as early as the seventh century (642 c.e. according to the Chinese Tang Annals), an inter- mediate Indrabhuti, possibly of the eighth century (although apparently not recognized by Taranatha, Dowman ibid.: n.233), and Indrabhuti the Younger, of the late ninth century. Davidson (2002), however, comments IO VAJRAYOGINl that even pinpointing three Indrabhutis is "surely an underestimate" and points to "the tendency for traditional apologists and modern scholars to J* ma te aiTia ^ tne various personalities into one grand persona." Dowman (op. cit.) also puts forward three possible candidates for Indrabhuti's sister, Laksmlnkara, including a nun of similar name; however, even if we agree that this same Laksmlnkara is the author of our Laksmisddhana (GSS24), the only certainty we can have is that she was no later than the Tibetan translator of the text, who was known to have lived 1059-1109. 30 Virupa, tra- ditionally the pupil of Laksmlnkara (Blue Annals: 390), is just as elusive, and may have lived as early as the eighth century (Taranatha History: 197) or as late as the eleventh century, when he supposedly taught Maitrlpada (also called Advayavajra) and Mar pa the translator (Blue Annals: 390). Similar problems .beset the dating of the Mahasiddha Luyipada. Kvaerne (1977: 5-6), for example, hesitantly cites Taranatha (History: 311), accord- ing to whom "Lui" was a contemporary of Maitrl (Advayavajra) in the eleventh century, and notes that in one tradition, Luylpada's guru was Saraha, who may have flourished in the eleventh century or earlier (see also Dasgupta 1946: 6). Davidson (1991: n. 24) notes that Luyipada's Sri- Bhagavadabhisamaya was translated into Tibetan in the first part of the eleventh century, "apparently the earliest attested practice of the Cakrasamvara" in the Tibetan canon. However, Sa skya legends assert that Luyipada was a scribe at the court of Dharmapala in the late eighth cen- tury (Dowman 1985: 37). The dating of Sahara is even more problematic. He appears as an early teacher in several genealogical traditions (Dowman ibid.: 65; Kvaerne 1977: 6), but also as a teacher to later authors such as Vanaratna in the fifteenth century. Dowman therefore posits a line of teach- ers called Sahara, the only merit of which is that it echoes the legend of Sahara's immortality, according to which he would still be teaching today. Another of Sahara's pupils is said to be Advayavajra, whose dates have been discussed at length by Tatz (1987: 697) and shown to be tied to the reign of King Neyapala in the eleventh century (1007-85). 31 Sahara also apparently initiated Vibhuticandra into the sixfold yoga system (sadangayogah) (Blue Annals: 727). Stearns (1996: 127-71) places Vibhuticandra in the later twelfth to early thirteenth centuries at the time of the Moslem invasions. Vibhuticandra would thus be the youngest author in our collection. Some of the younger contributors to the Gubyasamayasadhanamala are slightly easier to place because they admit their debt to earlier authors. One such is Sakyaraksita, whose Flower Cluster of Clear Understanding (Abhi- samayamanjariGSSs) draws heavily on the Clear Understanding of Heruka VAJRAYOGINl AND THE BUDDHIST TANTRAS II (Herukdbhisamaya) by Luylpada. Apart from the similarity of his title, Sakyaraksita refers twice to Luylpada's work, commenting on Luylpada's method for establishing the vajra ground {vajrabhiimi, K20V2) and knowl- edge circle {jndnacakra, Knv6), and referring to it for an in-depth treatment of Vajravarahi's thirty-seven-deity mandala. 32 Sakyaraksita adds that this was taught "by my teacher in the Vajravali," which reveals that his guru was Abhayakaragupta, abbot of the monastic university Vikramas'ila during the reign of King Ramapala (c. 1084-1126/1130). 33 If Sakyaraksita was a younger contemporary of Abhayakaragupta, he would probably have flourished in the mid-twelfth century. Our study of Umapatideva's Vajravdrdhi Sddhana (GSS11) will show that it shares much in common with Sakyaraksita's work, in both its subject matter and use of sources. Fortunately, Umapatideva's lineage and dates are on slightly firmer ground, and these place him in the same generation as Sakyaraksita, perhaps as an older contemporary. The colophon to the Tibetan translation describes him as "one who has the lineage of the instruc- tions of Virupa, sri Umapatidatta" (Tib 49.7), and the dates of the transla- tors link him fairly securely to the same period as Abhayakaragupta. The translators of Umapatideva's two known texts in the bsTan-'gyur are Vagisvaragupta and Rwa Chos rab. 34 Rwa Chos rab was active in India and Nepal in at least the first quarter of the twelfth century, and was a pupil of the Nepalese pandit Samantas'ri; Samantas'ri himself flourished in the early to mid-twelfth century and received the Kalacakra teachings from Abhaya- karagupta {Blue Annals: 760-61; cf ibid.: 756, 789). 35 Thus, the translation of Umapatideva's works would seem to belong to the early to mid-twelfth century, and may even have been contemporary with the author. If Uma- patideva was of the same generation as Samantas'ri (whom he is unlikely to have postdated, since his translator was a pupil of the latter), he may also have been a pupil of Abhayakaragupta's. In the absence of much reliable evidence for dating the authors of the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld, we must look for other clues as to their origins. First, it seems that several authors in the Guhyasamayasddhanamdld are asso- ciated with the early dissemination of tantric lineages. Indrabhuti, for exam- ple, is traditionally known as "the first tdntrika" and was credited with initiating several tantric lineages, including the yogottara, Hevajra, and Cakrasamvara traditions {Blue Annals: 869; Dudjom 1991: 485, 462; Dow- man 1985: 233; SM vol. 2: xxxi). Luylpada is particularly associated with the Cakrasamvara system, on the basis of which he is traditionally known as the "original guru" (ddiguru) of the mahamudra (Dowman 1985: 37). Accord- 12 VAJRAYOGINI Table 2. Time chartf Year Rulers Events Authors Works 600 650 700 750 800 850 ^* Gupta dynasties (Harsa 606-47) Pala Dynasties of. . . Nalanda Founded Vikramas'lla founded first diffusion into Tibet Indrabhuti? Luyipada? Virupa? Sahara >~ kriyatantras yogatantras yogottaratantras ist-md cent. >► late 7th cent. — ► yogottaratantra exegesis and translation into Tibetan caryatantras mid-7th cent. STTS proto-yoginitantras — ^>